210213 Agang and Ramphele – a guest post by Millstein

Mamphela Ramphele has launched her political platform in Johannesburg. What are the implications for South Africa’s democracy?

After a period of speculation, Mamphela Ramphele launched her political platform called Agang  (“let’s build” in Sesotho) on February 18 and took a firm step onto the South African political arena. She invited all South Africans to “re-imagine the country of our dreams and to commit to building it into a reality in the lives of every South African.” It was a powerful message of faded dreams and government failure, but also of inciting new hope and dreams for the future. But Ramphele and her supporters have a long way to go to turn powerful visions and harsh critique of the ANC government into a viable political alternative.

Agang is the first serious initiative since COPE. COPE emerged after the ANC national congress in Polokwane in 2007 when Jacob Zuma ousted Thabo Mbeki, but failed to position itself as a legitimate alternative. Contrary to those who initiated COPE, Ramphele has not been involved in the ANC factional battles and has never been member of a political party. She is highly respected as an anti-apartheid activist, intellectual, and academic in South Africa and internationally. Ramphele has also been a critical voice against the ANC government and the developments under Jacob Zuma, and has advocated human rights and change through civil society activism. This is a good starting point for the political project. But Agang is also an initiative emerging from within the established elites. They face similar challenges to those COPE did in terms of building strong popular support and a sustainable organization that has sufficient legitimacy at the grassroots levels.

Ramphele needs to distinguish the Agang initiative from the governing party, as well as other opposition voices. Commenting on the ANC response, Greg Nicholson of the Daily Maverick writes that the party “…welcomed Mamphela Ramphele’s initiative like one an athlete addressing a rival, relishing the challenge but asserting dominance.”

The ANC criticized Ramphele for her lack of strategies. The ANC’s alliance partner COSATU rejected Agang and Ramphele’s speech as a manifesto for neo-liberalism similar to the Democratic Alliance (DA) – the main opposition party currently in power in Western Cape and Cape Town. Before the launch of Agang, there were speculations that Ramphele would join the DA. The DA has responded to Agang by saying that the values Ramphele emphasized were values that the DA has struggled to restore to South Africa’s political democracy for some time. This does not mean that the political strategies and solutions of Agang will be a blueprint of the DA, but this remains to be seen.

These responses from other political parties are not really surprising, but they raise critical questions: How will Agang position itself in relation to other opposition parties? As ANC pointed out, how exactly will Ramphele lead the country differently than the current government and what are Agang’s solutions to poverty, inequality, unemployment, and corruption? Ramphele insists that a concrete program will emerge through engagements with South African communities. But if they plan to run for the 2014 elections, Ramphele and her supporters might run out of time.

The media has reported that the opposition parties are thinking about challenging the ANC in the next elections under one umbrella. How will Agang position itself if this becomes the scenario? A party political system that reduces voters’ options to a choice to be “with us or against us” is not necessarily a step in the right direction. A political agenda built largely on opposition to the ANC government underestimates the underlying socioeconomic tensions in South African society. It fails to acknowledge that the ideologies and strategies of the main opposition parties are not necessarily representative of or progressive for the urban and rural poor. It reduces complex issues and grievances to a question of opposing those in state power, which will not bring the necessary diversification of the party political system. Ramphele will have trouble establishing a sustainable alternative if her policies boil down to being against the ANC government rather than pushing concrete issues.

The 2014 elections may come too soon for Agang to position itself as a viable alternative to the ANC or the DA. There is a possibility that Agang will tap into the DA’s constituency, in particular among those who vote “anything but the ANC” and has voted for the DA as the only party to provide the ANC with serious competition. But Ramphele and Agang could also make a substantial dent in the ANC’s electoral support and inflict serious damage where it “hurts the most – in the courts, at the feeding troughs, in the service delivery failures, the maladministration, the frauds, the lies and the chronicles of incompetence.” (Mandy de Waal in the Daily Maverick). At the same time it is important not to underestimate the continued legitimacy of the ANC and their capacity to negotiate various identities and issues to build and sustain support.

Agang may be a much-needed addition to South Africa’s party-political landscape, but changes in political allegiances and in the established elite’s actors will not necessarily bring the kind of transformative politics needed to deepen South Africa’s democracy.

2 comments

  1. Thank you for an insightful article.

    It is interesting how COSATU rejects Agang and Ramphele’s speech as a manifesto for neoliberalism, when its main tripartite alliance partner’s conduct consistently displays contradictions and ambiguities. The ANC has made a great and historic compromise viz. its freedom charter ideals. As Ian Taylor rightly pointed out, the ANC’s ongoing discourse of, and the adherence to neoliberalism since 1994 has seen the leading factions and elites play to two audiences simultaneously. The one audience represents the social democratic, organised labour and leftist audience on the one hand, and the second represents the externally orientated domestic/international actors of global capital on the other. This awkward balancing act is rarely criticised, yet it has manifested in spectacular fashion. The ANC’s neoliberal agenda is hardly hidden from the public. These and other actions make COSATU’s stance puzzling.

    Re the critical questions: ‘how exactly will Ramphele lead the country differently than the current government and what are Agang’s solutions to poverty, inequality, unemployment, and corruption’? Have Ramphele and her organisation not addressed this matter with unusual clarity? First, her position is simple: don’t support misconduct, invest in the youth, and engage seriously and transparently with communities. That is what will be different with her approach and contribution. True, it lacks concrete objectives and it borders on abstract principles, but how is that different from the ANC’s struggle for freedom and justice during the apartheid years? Did the core ANC principles not grow out of ideological and abstract concepts and ideals? All concrete principles that become status quo must be galvanized somehow, either through repetition, popular support, and/or social transformation.

    The argument you make re the main opposition parties that are not necessarily representative of or progressive for the urban and rural poor is unfortunately out-dated. This argument was valid years ago, but the ‘main opposition’, as you refer to it, has made great strides in the right direction to mobilise both urban and rural support. It depends who the main opposition is that you refer to. Is it COPE? DA? IFP? All of the latter have strong rural and urban support basis in different provinces in South Africa.
    Lastly, I think its fair to say that Ramphele is against the ANC government and that she is pushing concrete issues. Why must it be either or, surely both can be true and pursued simultaneously?

    Yours truly,

    Wayne Coetzee
    University of Gothenburg
    Sweden

  2. Marianne Millstein · · Reply

    Dear Wayne Coetzee, thanks for your comments. I only want to pick up on your argument about to what extent other parties’ agenda is representative of the urban and the rural poor. To some extent of course it depends on who the opposition is and that there are provincial differences – so I should perhaps clarified that I mainly had DA in mind when talking about the opposition here. I don’t question whether the opposition has made important steps to mobilise urban and rural support, but I’m questioning whether the political program that DA (and other parties) pushes is what is needed to challenge inequality and marginalisation. There are also important issues here about the depth and legitimacy of party politics and representative democracy which should perhaps be subject for another blog entry. And yes Ramphele can simultaniously mobilise on an anti-ANC agenda and push concrete issues – the question is whether she will be able to tease out those issues in time for the 2014 elections.

    all the best
    Marianne Millstein

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